After watching several social media debates quickly devolve into name calling, hayden develops

"Social Diplomacy, Public Diplomacy, and Network Power"

2013, Diplomacy, Development and Security in the Information Age


Infrastructure-for-resources loans have rapidly emerged as a key feature in China-Africa relations after the turn of the century. Evidence suggests that these loans have been used by China as a tool to open the gates for Chinese construction and resources companies and also pursue mineral resources security goals in Africa. This kind of loans constitutes at present the most popular and evident Chinese positive economic statecraft instrument in Africa. This paper explores how China has used infrastructure-for- resources loans as a positive economic statecraft tool in Africa, and how the lessons learnt over the past decade, the increased wariness of risks it faces, and rising criticism on the continent has led to meaningful shifts in recent years. The article also examines how successful this instrument has been in achieving the above mentioned goals.

It is not difficult to see China enjoys the advantage of an asymmetric trade relationship with Vietnam. The Hirschmanesque analysis of imbalanced economic trade relations can be aptly applied to Vietnam-China relations. However, China has not exploited this interdependence to its own advantage in sensitive territory conflict issues. The question is why China still prefers economic incentives towards Vietnam, despite tense standoff in the South China Sea. The rationale for China is primarily due to the economic-security nexus that is critical to China’s strategy in Southeast Asia in competition with the United States and Japan. China attempts to consolidate its claims in the South China Sea by deterring internationalization of the issue and delaying resolution. China’s economic clout has impacted the unity of ASEAN members over the maritime disputes. However, the outcome of economic diplomacy is subjected to a variety of factors in this region. Therefore, economic diplomacy is not a straightforward approach for states to realize their foreign policy goals, but China will continue to utilize it as long as the policy fits its strategy.

Cyber-intelligence operations attract significant media exposure and public accusations when they come to light and they often lead to important diplomatic repercussions for the implicated states. Yet, it is not easy to respond to an activity that is secretive, difficult to attribute to the responsible party and which is not clearly defined in international law. In the absence of a common set of rules for addressing cyber-intelligence transgressions, states have exhibited a range of formal and informal responses that appear to be ad hoc and reactive in nature. Therefore, there is a need for a comprehensive framework for understanding how and why states respond diplomatically to cyber-intelligence operations. This study addresses these questions by comparing diplomatic responses to two types of cyber-intelligence operations, sabotage and espionage. These are investigated through a dual case study of the Stuxnet worm deployed against Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility and the rising number of hacking incidents attributed to China. It is thus argued that formal and direct diplomatic responses to cyber-intelligence operations are influenced by three factors: the degree of exposure of the incident in the public sphere, the nature of the relationship between parties, and considerations regarding the constraints the response might place on future actions.

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